Division of History of Science, Technology and Environment

Реализация советской ядерной программы предполагала концентрацию большого количества научно-технических специалистов в атомных городах, которые были территориально удалены и политически изолированы от «гражданских» административных центров. Управление ими осуществлялось в системе Первого главного Управления, а затем Министерства среднего машиностроения, которые руководили атомными разработками в чрезвычайном режиме, опираясь на почти неограниченные ресурсы. Этот особый режим власти ослаблял позиции партийных инстанций в атомных центрах и затруднял осуществление идеологического контроля над научно-технической интеллигенцией. Предметом статьи стал город Обнинск Калужской области,
возникший вокруг секретной Лаборатории «В». Автор рассматривает историю формирования местной организации КПСС , изолированной от областного руководства, в условиях атомной секретности. Эта замкнутость не была полностью преодолена и после «открытия» города в 1956 г., что проявлялось, в частности, в  кадровом составе городского комитета КПСС . Наличие среди партийных начальников либерально настроенных выходцев из научной среды позволило активистам разных институтов создать в 1960-е годы единое городское публичное пространство, нацеленное на свободу самовыражения и дискуссии, используя, в том числе, партийные сети и ресурсы. Эта модель городского развития была разрушена в 1968 г. в результате изменения центрального курса и последовавшего переформатирования локального политического поля.

Protagonists of the atomic project often figure prominently in narratives about nonconformist movements in Soviet history. This article provides an in-depth analysis of the dynamic entanglement of nuclear history and the history of dissident networks in a place where they became particularly visible. Via the example of the atomic city of Obninsk, it shows how the independent social activism of the shestidesiatniki originated in the institutional and social infrastructure of Cold War nuclear science, and how their activity became an important sub-strate for political dissidence during and after the conservative turn of the late 1960s. In the early 1970s, dissident scientists such as Valentin Turchin and Zhores Medvedev could still rely on their local and international scientific networks to provide a certain level of protection against state persecution when disseminating their critical views. Despite their defeat at the hands of Party authorities in the 1960–70s, representatives of the local dissentient milieus again became an active group within the democratic movement during Perestroika. Drawing on a broad range of original sources, including biographical interviews, private archives and records stored in some of the most important archives of the Soviet dissident movement, this study provides a differentiated view on Obninsk's " atomic intelligentsia ". Con-ceptualised as a social micro-analysis of networks established in a formerly closed nuclear city, it discusses the scientists' activities in a world between technocratic pragmatism, faith in socialism and participation in the troublesome development of nonconformist circles.

In this article, the Joint Institute for Nuclear Research (JINR) in Dubna, USSR, is considered as one of the institutional hubs in the complex mosaic of the “Global Cold War”. The paper discusses how the bureaucratic machinery of Soviet science and the authoritarian Soviet state in general, with its omnipresent state security apparatus and party control, responded to the challenges of scientific globalization in the field of high energy physics by creating an “international oasis” on its own territory. The author argues that establishing the research centre in Dubna helped the Soviet Union implement the policy of “nuclear imperialism” in the Eastern Bloc and facilitate access to the latest achievements of Western science and technology. At the same time, from the 1950s to the 1980s the Dubna institute functioned as an interaction zone in which stable informal relations between scientists from both sides of the Iron Curtain led to cultural and ideological interpenetration.

"This chapter attempts to make a theoretical contribution to the sociolinguistic study of English in the contexts of Scandinavian nation-states. In particular, this aims at focusing attention on the language ideologies underpinning discourses about the “threat” from English. The chapter presents a Bourdieusian historicist approach to language policy, by drawing on the key concepts field, habitus and capital. These concepts are extended with a number of conceptual tools more recently developed within linguistic anthropology, such as language ideology, indexicality and entextualization. Taking the Swedish field (Bourdieu 1996) of language planning as the key sociological object of study, the chapter contextualizes the notion of “domain loss” historically. This approach aims at making sense of the “logics of practice” that constitute agents’ strivings to defend Swedish in the era of globalization. It is claimed that the social history of domain loss cannot be accounted for by focusing only on discourses about English; its genesis must be contemplated in relation to other crossing discourses (Foucault 1972). The field’s metalinguistic discourses on English are thus examined vis-à-vis other societal discourses that have directed the politics of language. Notably, domain loss was entextualized at the same time as the discussion about the EU membership was intensified. From this vantage point, the safeguarding of the Swedish language must be viewed in the same light as the safeguarding of the autonomy of Sweden, and an accompanying aversion among the agents for the cultural-political indexicalities of English. Moreover, discourses about minority languages have directed the politics of language also with regards to the position of Swedish contra English. As an interest-laden representation of a linguistic problem, domain loss may then be under¬stood as a way of handling globalization processes in which the role of the state is set in flux, opening up linguistic markets beyond the control of the nation-state. From its launch, it has served to establish discourses about threats to the nation-state language regime, which is here interpreted as part of a strategy to defend a market where agents themselves have invested their capital. Thus, the notion of domain loss is here contemplated as a product of the relation between agents’ habitus and the field.

Key words: field, language planning, domain loss, language ideology, indexicality, entextualization
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This chapter presents a sociological account of the language ideological representations underpinning discourses about threats from English in Sweden. The objective is to contextualize the conceptual history of “domain loss” within the Swedish field of language planning, in conjunction with crossing discourses about minority languages, as well as about Sweden entering the EU. I hold that the safeguarding of Swedish is linked to struggles in which the role of the state is set in flux, opening up linguistic markets beyond the nation-state’s control. From its launch, domain loss has served to legitimize discourses about the disestablishment of the national language regime, which is interpreted as a strategy of agents to defend the market into which they have invested capital.